In Hindsights
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In the past two years, Council members have taken an unusually long time to reach agreement on the allocation of subsidiary body chairs and vice-chairs. In 2025, the presidential note on the allocation was issued on 29 May, shortly before the General Assembly held elections for the next cohort of elected Council members. This year, disagreements have persisted even after the 3 June elections, making it the longest period with no subsidiary body chairs and vice-chairs since this decision was first recorded in a presidential note in 1979. This delay has placed significant strain on the work of subsidiary bodies. An added complication is that the lack of clarity on the available positions may delay the negotiations of the incoming members on the 2027-2028 subsidiary body chair positions.
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On 3 June, the 80th session of the UN General Assembly is scheduled to hold elections for membership of the Security Council. The five seats available for election in 2026, according to the regular distribution among regions, will be as follows: one seat for the African Group (currently held by Somalia); one seat for the Asia-Pacific Group (currently held by Pakistan); one seat for the Latin American and Caribbean Group (GRULAC, currently held by Panama); and two seats for the Western European and Others Group (WEOG, currently held by Denmark and Greece). The Eastern European Group is not contesting any seats this year, as its seat, held by Latvia through 2027, comes up for election every other year. The five new members elected this year will take up their seats on 1 January 2027 and will serve until 31 December 2028.
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In April, the selection and appointment process for the next Secretary-General began in earnest as four candidates for the position presented their vision for how they would lead the UN and answered questions from members of the General Assembly and civil society. This selection and appointment process for the tenth UN Secretary-General is unfolding against a background of shifting global power dynamics and geopolitical uncertainty. The next Secretary-General will take over an organisation that is impacted by financial constraints, ongoing reform processes, and escalating crises. These concerns were apparent in the emphasis candidates put on the importance of restoring trust in the multilateral system and the UN, as well as in their vision for the role of the Secretary-General.
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Since the founding of the United Nations over 80 years ago, few issues have generated as much controversy among the world body’s membership, or so affected the Security Council’s work, as the veto accorded to the Council’s five permanent members (P5). In recent years, P5 divisions have hindered meaningful engagement on situations such as Myanmar, Sudan, “The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question”, and Ukraine. The exercise of the veto has continued to increase. The seven vetoed draft resolutions in 2024 were the most since 1986. A total of eight vetoes were cast on these failed drafts: four by Russia, three by the US, and one by China. They were on a range of issues, evidence of the divisiveness that currently pervades much of the Council’s work in an era of elevated tension among the major powers. In 2025, there were four vetoes: two by the US on a draft resolution on the war in Gaza, and two by Russia on amendments to a draft resolution on Ukraine. Significant attention continues to be focused on the adverse effects of the veto, which has been the subject of considerable academic research and a recent documentary film.
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UN peace operations have traditionally been among the most important tools available to the Security Council for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security. They are perhaps the most visible aspect of the UN’s work. Most importantly, as the 2015 High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations demonstrated, UN peace operations have played an important role in saving lives and resolving conflicts. Today, however, they face mounting challenges in an increasingly fractured multilateral environment. Geopolitical tensions among Council members, coupled with severe budgetary constraints, have weakened political consensus and eroded financial and operational support for these missions. Additionally, host governments are questioning the continued presence of UN peace operations, with several of them calling for the draw down and exit of these missions from their countries.
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In 2025, deep divisions in the Security Council continued to limit its ability to respond effectively to major security crises. While notable resolutions were adopted on Gaza and Haiti, implementation remains challenging, and the Council struggled to influence entrenched conflicts in Ukraine, Sudan, and Myanmar. Shifting geopolitical dynamics, an unusually high number of unexpected crises, and persistent paralysis defined much of the year—though rare unity on Syria offered a moment of cautious optimism. In 2026, the Council faces a demanding agenda, including decisions on the future of peace operations, the implementation of key resolutions, the impact of the UN’s liquidity crisis, and the selection of the next Secretary-General—pointing to a year of both significant challenges and critical choices.
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On 25 November, the presidents of the General Assembly and the Security Council issued a joint letter marking the start of the selection and appointment process of the next UN Secretary-General. The joint letter invites member states to present their candidates for the position while also setting out the modalities for submitting and considering nominations. Ten years ago, the selection process was transformed from an opaque, somewhat mysterious process, controlled by the five permanent members, to a more open, transparent one with active involvement of civil society and the General Assembly. Drawing on Security Council Report’s coverage of the last selection and appointment process and our close monitoring of developments on this issue, this month’s In Hindsight provides a guide to the main steps of the process and the potential issues that may arise.
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The three African members of the UN Security Council, known as the A3, have come of age as a cohesive and influential group, shaping both country-specific and thematic discussions within the UN Security Council. Over the years, they have steadily enhanced their coordination in pursuit of a common African position on the various items on the Council’s agenda. This growing unity is most visibly reflected in their increasingly consistent practice of speaking with one voice—delivering joint statements and presenting unified positions during Council meetings. In addition, the A3 have in recent years organised themselves as a cohesive negotiating bloc with the ability to significantly shape Council outcomes. Both individually and collectively, the A3 have also played an increasingly active role in spearheading Council products on key African priorities, thus enhancing their influence in the Council. This In Hindsight provides a preview of our upcoming research report on the burgeoning role of the A3 in the Security Council.
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In recent years, the use of force in self-defence has become increasingly contentious. Article 51 of the UN Charter, which recognises member states’ right of self-defence against an armed attack, sits at the heart of these debates. This In Hindsight examines some of the differing positions of member states in relation to the scope of the right of self-defence, analyses relevant practice regarding the reporting requirement set out in Article 51 and the implications of that practice, and offers suggestions for improvements in this area.
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In September, world leaders will converge in New York to mark the 80th anniversary of the founding of the UN. While this significant milestone is a moment of celebration, the prevailing mood seems to be sombre, as the organisation faces what many regard as an existential crisis. Rising geopolitical tensions among major powers have not allowed the Security Council to effectively address some of the most intractable conflicts of our time. Compounding the situation is a severe financial crisis that threatens to undermine the UN’s ability to deliver on its core mandates—maintaining international peace and security, promoting human rights, and fostering international cooperation to address global challenges.
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Facing difficult issues, a divided Council will need to find ways to build trust and cooperate to maximise its effectiveness in difficult fiscal circumstances and a fluid international peace and security environment. If it does not, there is a danger that the Council will become increasingly sidelined, and some issues related to the maintenance of international peace and security will move outside of the Council.
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This In Hindsight analyses the messages and priorities outlined by Council members and other member states during the open debate on children and armed conflict. It also analyses the current challenges facing the agenda and makes recommendations for action, based on findings presented in our latest research report, titled “Children and Armed Conflict: Progression, Regression or Maintenance of the Agenda?”.
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On 3 June, the 79th session of the UN General Assembly is scheduled to hold elections for membership of the Security Council. The five seats available for election in 2025, according to the regular distribution among regions.
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The chairs of the Security Council’s subsidiary bodies, which include sanctions committees and working groups, are responsible for several important aspects of the work of these bodies, including chairing meetings, briefing the Council on the work of the relevant subsidiary body, and managing subsidiary body casework, such as listing and delisting requests. At the time of writing, Council members are yet to reach agreement on selecting the chairs of the subsidiary bodies for 2025, which has had an impact on both their work and the Council as a whole. This In Hindsight provides an overview of the process for appointing chairs of subsidiary bodies, discusses how the Council has attempted to manage the current impasse, and describes some of the adverse consequences arising from the delay.
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This year, peace operations are expected to receive increased attention in the Council, with three elected members—Denmark, Pakistan, and the Republic of Korea (ROK)—forming a “peacekeeping trio” initiative. This month’s In Hindsight explores emerging trends and ongoing reform efforts in UN peace operations amidst shifting and challenging geopolitical dynamics. It also previews upcoming discussions at the 2025 Peacekeeping Ministerial in Berlin and the review of UN peace operations.
